DOES ELLIPSIS REPAIR HEAD MOVEMENT CONSTRAINT VIOLATIONS?

Using English data, I show that Head Movement Constraint violations cannot be repaired by deletion and compare this result with cases of both salvation and non-salvation by ellipsis from previous literature. I then consider two possible sources for this lack of repair. The first is to take the Head Movement Constraint as a derivational constraint, and the second is to assimilate it into the Empty Category Principle (Chomsky, 1986).

Keywords
Head Movement Constraint; Repair by Ellipsis; Derivational Constraints; Representational Constraints

Authorship

Geosel Mendes Email: gmendes@umd.edu
* Received his BA and MA degrees from the Universidade Federal do Paraná and has recently completed his doctorate at the University of Maryland. He is interested in ellipsis phenomena and what we can learn from them about syntax more generally.

Pesquisador independente, Filadélfia, Pensilvânia, Estados UnidosPesquisador independente, Filadélfia, Pensilvânia, Estados UnidosBrasilCuritiba, Paraná, BrasilPesquisador independente, Filadélfia, Pensilvânia, Estados Unidos

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1564-1970

*
Received his BA and MA degrees from the Universidade Federal do Paraná and has recently completed his doctorate at the University of Maryland. He is interested in ellipsis phenomena and what we can learn from them about syntax more generally.

Email: gmendes@umd.edu

SCIMAGO INSTITUTIONS RANKINGS

Tables

Tables (30)

1)	a. * They didn’t hire anyone who speaks a certain Romance language. Guess which Romance language they didn’t hire [anyone [ who speaks t]]!
	b. They didn’t hire anyone who speaks a certain Romance language. Guess which (Romance language) they didnt hire [anyone [_RC who speaks t]]!

2)	a. Mary wants to find any student I gave a certain book to, but I don’t know which book Mary wants to find *[any student [_RC I gave t_{which_book} to]]
	b. Mary wants to find any student I gave a certain book to, but I don’t know which book Mary wants to find *[any student [_RC I gave t_{which_book} to]] (PF deletion)

4)	A: What does every prolessor wants to talk about?
	B: One of his* books*every professor₁ wants to talk about t.

5)	John saw some pictures, but I don’t know how many (pictures) of himself₁
	John₁ (saw t.

7)	John is jealous of someone, but I dont know whoJohn is jealous of t.

8)	a.	John is jealous, but I dont know who*John is jealous of t.
	b.	John is jealous, but I dont know of whoJohn is jealous t.

9)	* John must leave, but I dont must leave.

10)	John has to leave, but I dont have to leave.

11)	Complex NP Constraint, noun complement
	a. *1 believe the claim that he bit a certain student, but they don’t know which student I believe the claim that he bit t.
	b. I believe the claim that he bit a certain student, but they don’t know which student.

12)	Complex NP Constraint, relative clause
	a. *She kissed a man who bit one of my friends, but I don’t know which of my friends she kissed a man who bit t.
	b. She kissed a man who bit one of my friends, but I don’t know which of my friends.

13)	Coordinate Structure Constraint
	a. *Irv and someone were dancing together, but I don’t know who Irv and t were dancing together.
	b. Irv and someone were dancing together, but I don’t know who.

15)	Comp-trace effect	(adapted from Chung et al., 1995Chung, S., Ladusaw, W., & McCloskey, J. (1995). Sluicing and logical form. Natural Language Semantics, 3, 1–44.)
	a. * Sally asked if somebody was going to fail Syntax One, but I can’t remember who Sally asked if t was going to fail Syntax One.
	b. Sally asked if somebody was going to fail Syntax One, but I can’t remember who.

16)	Left branch extraction	(adapted from Merchant, 1999Merchant, J. (1999). The syntax of silence: Sluicing, islands, and identity in ellipsis [Doctoral dissertation]. University of California.)
	a. *He wants a detailed list, but I don’t know how detailed he wants a t list.
	b. He wants a detailed list, but I don’t know how detailed.

17)	Adjunct island	(adapted from Merchant, 2008Merchant, J. (2008). Variable island repair under ellipsis. In K. Johnson (Ed.), Topics in ellipsis (pp. 132–153). Cambridge University Press.)
	a. Ben will be mad if Abby talks to one of the teachers, but she couldn’t remember which (one of the teachers) Ben will be mad [if Abby talks t].*
	b. Ben will be mad if Abby talks to one of the teachers, but she couldn’t remember which (one of the teachers).

19)	Subject island	(adapted from Merchant, 1999Merchant, J. (1999). The syntax of silence: Sluicing, islands, and identity in ellipsis [Doctoral dissertation]. University of California.)
	a. * A biography of one of the Marx brothers is going to be published this year - guess which (of the Marx brothers) [A biography of t] is going to be published this year!
	b. A biography of one of the Marx brothers is going to be published this year - guess which (of the Marx brothers)!

20)	Wh-island	(adapted form Merchant, 2008Merchant, J. (2008). Variable island repair under ellipsis. In K. Johnson (Ed.), Topics in ellipsis (pp. 132–153). Cambridge University Press.)
	a. * Sandy was trying to work out which student would solve a certain problem, but I don’t know which problem she was trying to work out which student would solve t.
	b. Sandy was trying to work out which student would solve a certain problem, but I don’t know which problem.

21)	Complex NP Constraint, noun complement
	I believe the claim that he bit a certain student, but they don’t know which student I believe * [the claim that he bit t].

22)	Complex NP Constraint, relative clause
	She kissed a man who bit one of my friends, but I don’t know which of my friends She kissed * [a man who bit t].

23)	Coordinate Structure Constraint
	Irv and someone were dancing together, but I dont know who *[Irv and t] were dancing together.

24)	Comp-trace effect
	Sally asked if somebody was going to fail Syntax One, but I can’t remember who Sally asked *if t was going to fail Syntax One

25)	Left branch extraction
	He wants a detailed list, but I dont know how detailed he wants a *[t list].

26)	Adjunct island
	Ben will be mad if Abby talks to one of the teachers, but she couldn’t remember which Ben will be mad * [if Abby talks t].

27)	Subject island
	A biography of one of the Marx brothers is going to be published this year - guess which (of the Marx brothers) *[A biography of t] is going to be published this year!

28)	Wh-island
	Sandy was trying to work out which student would solve a certain problem, but I don t know which problem she was trying to work out * which student would solve t.

29)	a.	[_cp Kojkogo [_Ipe vidjal]]?
		who whom AUX seen
		‘Who saw who?’
	b.	*Kogo koj e vidjal?

30)	a. Njakoj e vidjal njakogo, no ne znarn[_cpkoj kogof^e vidjal]]. someone AUX seen someone but not I. know who whom AUX seen ‘Someone saw someone, but I don’t know who saw who.’
	b. * Njakoj e vidjal njakogo, no ne znarn kogo koj.

34)	Be John can t*be happy?

35)	* John is can tbe happy.

36)	A: John can be happy
	B: Be he can*[VP t_can][VP t_be happy] ? (cf. Can he?)

37)	*Mary can be happy, and John is [VP _can][VP t_be happy] too. (cf. ... John can too.)

31)	a. John wants to hire [someone who fixes cars *with something], but I don’t know what.John wants to hire [someone who fixes cars with* t].
	b. John wants to hire [someone who fixes cars for a certain reason], but I dont know (exactly) why*John wants to hire [someone who fixes cars t].
	c. John wants to hire [someone who fixes cars in a certain way], but I dont (exactly) know how*John wants to hire [someone who fixes cars t].

32)	a. John will be mad [if Mary dances *with a certain guy], but I don’t know whoJohn will be mad [if Mary dances with t*].
	b. * John will be mad [if Mary dances *for a certain reason], but I don’t know why*John will be mad [if Mary dances t].
	c. * John will be mad [if Mary dances *in a certain way], but I don’t know how*John will be mad [if Mary dances t].

38)	* John is seem to f happy.
	(cf. John seems to be happy)

39)	* Peter seems to be happy, but John isn't [VP seem to t_be happy].
	(cf. Peter seems to be happy, but John docsn [VP seem to be happy] too)

40)	* Ann has appear to t_have been sick.
	(cf. Ann appears to have been sick)

41)	Mary appears to have been sick, and Anna has[_VP appear to t*_have been sick] too.
	(cf. Mary appears to have been sick, and Anna does [_VP appear to have been sick] too)

42)	Juan ngilla-waka-fi-y	[_NP t_waka Pedro].
	Juan buy-cow-30-ind.3s.s	[_NP t_cow Pedro].
	‘Juan bought Pedro’s cow.’	(adapted from Baker et al., 2005Baker, M. C., Aranovich, R., & Golluscio, L. A. (2005). Two types of syntactic noun incorporation: Noun incorporation in Mapudungun and its typological implications. Language, 81(1), 138–176.)

43)	a. * Peter isn’t being noisy, but John is [VP being [AP noisy]]. (cf.... John is.)
	b. Peter is [VP being [AP noisy]], he always is[VP t_be [AP noisy]].

44)	Henni höfôu leiSst heir.
	her.dat had.3PL bored.at they.NOM
	‘She had found them boring.’	(Icelandic; SigurSsson, 2002Sigurðsson, H. Á. (2002). To be an oblique subject: Russian vs. Icelandic. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 20(4), 691–724., p. 692)

45)	a. *Peter seems to be happy, but John isn’t [vP Vi [VP seem to t_be happy]] .
	b. * Peter seems to be happy, but John isn’t [vP Vi [VP seem to t_be happy]].

46)	a. Mary appears to have been sick, and Anna has* [vP Vi [appear to t_have been sick]] too.
	b. Mary appears to have been sick, and Anna has[vP Vi [appear to t*_have been sick] too.

47)	This can [vP Vi [VP freeze t_this]]. *Please do [vP Vt [VP freeze this]]

48)	* Bill [vP Vt [VP melt-ed this]], and that did [vP Vi [VP melt t_that]], too

49)	* Pc ler seems to be happy, but John isn't[VP seem to t_be happy]]. (cf.... John doesn’t.)

50)	a. Njakoj e vidjal njakogo, no ne znarn [_CPkoj kogo[_IP e vidjal]].someone AUX seen someone but not I.know who whom AUX seen ‘Someone saw someone, but I don’t know who saw who.’
	b. * Njakoj e vidjal njakogo, no ne znarn kogo koj.

51)	Wh-island
	Sandy was trying to work out which student would solve a certain problem, but I don t know which problem she was trying to work out * which student would solve t.

52)	Wh-Islands

	a. Which problem₂ was she trying to work out which student* would solve t₂
	b. * Which student₁ was she trying to work out t₁ would solve which problem?

53)	Superiority (adapted from Boeckx & Lasnik, 2006Boeckx, C., & Lasnik, H. (2006). Intervention and repair. Linguistic Inquiry, 37(1), 150–155.)
	a. Sue asked me what₂ who* bought t₂ 'i
	b. Sue asked me who₁ t₁ bought what?

54)	a. * John isn’t [vp seem to t_be happy].	(HMC violation)
	b. *John seemn’t [_VP t_seem to be happy].	(seem to T)
	c. * John to+s [_VP seem t_to be happy].	(to to T, HMC violation)
	d. John doesn’t [_VP seem to be happy].	(do-support)

55)	a. * Anna hasn’t [VP appear to t_have been sick].	(HMC violation)
	b. * Anna seemn’t [_VP t_seem to have been sick].	(seem to T)
	c. * Anna to+s [_VP appears t_to be sick].	(to to T, HMC violation)
	d. Anna doesn’t [_VP appear to have been sick].	(do-support)